THE SNS DEMOCRATIC AUDIT 1998/SNS DEMOKRATIRÅD 1998

Democracy and Citizenship

Report from the Democratic Audit of Sweden 1998
Olof Petersson, Jörgen Hermansson, Michele Micheletti, Jan Teorell and Anders Westholm

Summary in English

Today Swedes participate less in politics. There is also a drop or stagnation over the whole span of political resources from the ability to write a formal complaint about a decision of a public agency to active involvement in political meetings, participation in demonstrations, direct contact with decision-makers, and voter turnout.

Particularly notable is the drop in activity in political parties. Now less than eight percent state that they are a member of a political party. Even fewer go to political meetings or have a position of trust within a political party.

Civil society is not in much better shape. Our results show that the number of members in civic associations is decreasing. Today there are fewer Swedes who have a position of trust in a civic association. The proportion who are actively involved in associations has decreased dramatically as well. The group of people who are social movement entrepreneurs is becoming smaller and smaller. The existence of "social movement Sweden," an important traditional basis of Swedish democracy, is now threatened.

The study shows that the state of Swedish democracy is not all bleak. Women and men are now on more equal foot in many areas, though in some of them men are still more active than women. Belief in the openness of the political system and in one's own ability to influence the situation of the country has increased. There is no evidence that intolerance is growing. The results show that the qualities of toleration, discussion, knowledge, and contact with people one does not know or people who are different than oneself tend to reinforce each other. A noticeable development is the trend towards more toleration and broad-mindedness among the younger generations.

The report shows that Sweden should no longer be considered a homogeneous country as there are great differences among divergent groups of people. Immigrants and the unemployed are to large extent not involved in organized political life. The unemployed have much lower levels of engagement in civic associations and take much less contact to exercise influence over politics. This is also even the case when it comes to voter participation and other political means of expressing one's opinion.

Immigrants are also political outsiders. Immigrants believe that they are less able to appeal a decision of a public agency and that it is more difficult for them to influence their own situation. They also take fewer initiatives to influence their situation in the different social roles investigated in the study. The development over time is discouraging. The gap between immigrants and the rest of the population has been maintained or widened over the past ten years.

A combination of weak individual resources and badly functioning institutions is the reason. Many established organizations are better at maintaining the positions that they have reached than at adapting themselves to new social and political challenges. It is a serious flaw in Swedish democracy that new immigrants are not more welcome to enter Swedish society. Democracy is withering away behind the closed doors of the Swedish people's home.

Contemporary political life in Sweden includes two radically different groups of people. There are those who are not allowed to partake in political life and those who do not want to become involved. In particular, young and highly educated people as well as men use the exit option. They choose other channels than political and civil society to protect and promote their interests. The consequence is lower levels of party activity and civic engagement. This creates a very serious recruitment problem for the established civic associations.

In the long-run, these tendencies bed the way for a very worrisome development for Swedish politics. The basis for representative democracy is threatened when citizens start to leave political life. Today there are political outsiders in Sweden. It is forced upon some citizens. For others it is a free choice.

These and other results are part of a comprehensive study based on a survey of a representative sample of the entire Swedish population. It is posssible to compare these results with those presented in the comprehensive study of citizen power which was conducted by the Swedish Study of Power and Democracy (Maktutredningen) ten years ago. The conclusions from the 1997 study are presented today in the book Demokrati och medborgarskap ("Democracy and Citizenship"), SNS Publishers. It is the 1998 report from the SNS Democratic Audit of Sweden.


Table of Contents

Foreword

1 Being a Citizen

Meaning of Citizenship

Democracy and Citizenship

Outline of the Report

About the Citizenship Survey

2 Influencing One's Own Situation

Ability to Influence

Paths of Citizen Action

Microdemocracy

3 Influencing the Situation of the Country

Can Citizens Influence Politics?

Political Participation

A Thirty Year Perspective

Civil Society

Crisis in Political Parties and Civil Society

4 Three-Three-Third's Society?

Dimensions of Democratic Citizenship

Women and Men

Generation

City and Countryside

Education, Occupation, and Unemployment

Immigrants and the Native-Born

Gaps in Democratic Citizenship

5 Power over the Political Agenda

Agenda of Political Participation

Agenda of Citizens

Selective Bias

6 Enlightened Understanding

Knowledge about Politics

Civic Skills

Democracy and Knowledge

7 Citizen Virtues

What is a Good Citizen?

Popular Support for Rights and Freedoms

Toleration and Tolerance

8 Citizens and Democracy

Main Results

Four Processes

Bibliography

List of Tables and Figures

Table 2.1 Perceived Possibilities of Exercising Influence 1987 and 1997

Figure 2.1 Paths of Citizen Action

Figure 2.2 Dissatisfaction 1987 and 1997

Figure 2.3 Initiatives 1987 and 1997

Figure 2.4 Type of Initiative

Figure 2.5 Correlation between Dissatisfaction and Initiative 1987 and 1997

Figure 2.6 Outcomes of Initiatives

Table 2.2 Paths of Citizen Action 1987 and 1997

Table 3.1 Trust in the Political System and Self-Confidence

Figure 3.1 Assessment of the Effectiveness of Different Ways to Exercise Influence 1979 and 1997.

Figure 3.2 Political Participation 1987 and 1997

Figure 3.3 Distribution of Political Participation 1987 and 1997

Table 3.2 Political Participation and Political Resources 1968-1997

Figure 3.4 Political Participation and Political Resources 1968-1997

Table 3.3 Membership, Activity, and Position of Trust in Civic Associations 1987 and 1997

Figure 3.5 Average Number of Memberships, Activity, and Positions of Trust in Civic Associations 1987 and 1997

Figure 3.6 Distribution of Membership, Activity, and Positions of Trust in Civic Associations 1987 and 1997

Figure 4.1 Four Forms of Political Participation

Table 4.1 Ten Dimensions of Democratic Citizenship

Figure 4.2 Gender and Citizenship

Figure 4.3 Ability to Appeal and Individual Opinion Formation for Women and Men

Figure 4.4 Generation and Citizenship

Figure 4.5 Generation and Activity in Political Parties 1968-1997

Figure 4.6 Generation and Involvement in Civic Associations 1987 and 1997

Figure 4.7 City-Countryside Dimension and Citizenship

Figure 4.8 Education and Citizenship

Figure 4.9 Occupation and Citizenship

Figure 4.10 Unemployment and Citizenship

Figure 4.11 Immigration and Citizenship

Figure 5.1 Agenda of Political Participation 1987 and 1997

Figure 5.2 Agenda of Citizens

Figure 5.3 Correlation Between the Agenda of Citizens and Political Participation Based on Sixteen Types of Activities

Figure 5.4 Correlation Between the Agenda of Citizens and Political Participation Based on the Three Most Frequent Types of Activities

Figure 5.5 Correlation Between the Agenda of Citizens and Political Participation Based on the Thirteen Least Frequent Types of Activities

Table 6.1 Knowledge about Politics

Figure 6.1 Education and Knowledge about Politics

Figure 6.2 Knowledge about Politics 1978 and 1997

Figure 6.3 Gender and Knowledge about Politics 1978 and 1997

Table 6.2 Discussion on Societal Issues

Figure 6.4 Discussion on Societal Issues and Knowledge about Politics

Table 6.3 Use of Computers and Internet in Relation to Societal Issues

Table 6.4 Civic Skills

Figure 6.5 Differences among Groups in Use of Civic Skills

Table 7.1 Assessment of Ideals of Citizenship 1987 and 1997

Table 7.2 Assessment of Ideals of Citizenship and Reality

Table 7.3 Opinions on Rights and Freedoms 1994 and 1997

Table 7.4 Tolerance Towards Groups that are Disliked in Society

Table 7.5 Social Relations with "Others"


Demokrati och medborgarskap. Demokratirådets rapport 1998.

Olof Petersson, Jörgen Hermansson, Michele Micheletti, Jan Teorell and Anders Westholm.
SNS Förlag, Stockholm 1998.

The Democratic Audit of Sweden is organized by SNS, the Swedish Center for Business and Policy Studies, a Stockholm-based research organization. The task set itself by successive Democratic Audit Groups has been to contribute to a constructive, objective debate on the workings of Swedish democracy by highlighting different aspects of the Swedish political system. The group is variously composed each year, but it is always made up of four to five independent social scientists.

Previous study on citizenship and democracy: Citizen Power by Olof Petersson, Göran Blomberg and Anders Westholm (1989).